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standpoint of racial policy.
Also from the standpoint of racial policy, the alliance with Austria was simply ruinous. It meant tolerating the growth of a new Slavic power on the borders of the Reich, a power which sooner or later would have to take an entirely different attitude toward Germany than, for example, Russia. And from year to year the alliance itself was bound to grow inwardly hollower and weaker in proportion as the sole supporters of this idea inthe monarchy lost influence and were shoved out of the most decisive positions.
By the turn of the century the alliance with Austria had enteredthe very same stage as Austria's pact with Italy.
Here again there were only two possibilities: either we werein a pact with the Habsburg monarchy or we had to lodge protest againstthe repression of Germanism. But once a power embarks on this kind of undertaking,it usually ends in open struggle.
Even psychologically the value of the Triple Alliance was small,since the stability of an alliance increases in proportion as the individual contracting parties can hope to achieve definite and tangible expansive aims. And, conversely, it will be the weaker the more it limits itself tothe preservation of an existing condition. Here, as everywhere else, strengthlies not in defense but in attack.
Even then this was recognized in various quarters, unfortunatelynot by the so-called 'authorities.' Particularly Ludendorff, then a coloneland officer in the great general staff, pointed to these weaknesses in amemorial written in 1912. Of course, none of the 'statesmen' attached anyvalue or significance to the matter; for clear common sense is expected to manifest itself expediently only in common mortals, but may on principleremain absent where 'diplomats' are concenned.
For Germany it was sheer good fortune that in 1914 the war brokeout indirectly through Austria, so that the Habsburgs were forced to takepart; for if it had happened the other way around Germany would have been alone. Never would the Habsburg state have been able, let alone willing,to take part in a confiict which would have arisen through Germany. What we later so condemned in Italy would then have happened even earlier withAustria: they would have remained 'neutral' in order at least to save thestate from a revolution at the very start. Austrian Slavdom would rather have shattered the monarchy even in 1914 than permit aid to Germany.
How great were the dangers and difficulties entailed by thealliance with the Danubian monarchy, only very few realized a' that time.
In the first place, Austria possessed too many enemies who wereplanning to grab what they could from the rotten state to prevent a certainhatred from arising in the course of time against Germany, in whom they saw the cause of preventing the generally hoped and longed-for collapseof the monarchy. They came to the conviction that Vienna could finally bereached only by a detour through Berlin.
In the second place, Germany thus lost her best and most hopeful possibilities of alliance. They were replaced by an ever mounting tension with Russia and even Italy. For in Rome the general mood was just as pro-Germanas it was anti Austrian, slumbering in the heart of the very last Italianand often brightly flanng up.
Now, since we had thrown ourselves into a policy of commerceand industry, there was no longer the slightest ground for war against Russiaeither. Only the enemies of both nations could still have an active interestin it. And actually these were primarily the Jews and the Marxists, who,with every means, incited and agitated for war between the two states.
Thirdly and lastly, this alliance inevitably involved an infiniteperil for Germany, because a great power actually hostile to Bismarck'sReich could at any time easily succeed in mobilizing a whole series of statesagainst Germany, since it was in a position to promise each of them enrichmentat the expense of our Austrian ally.
The whole East of Europe could be stirred up against the Danubianmonarchy-particularly Russia and Italy. Never would the world coalitionwhich had been forming since the initiating efforts of King Edward havecome into existence if Austria as Germany's ally had not represented too tempting a legacy. This alone made it possible to bring states with otherwiseso heterogeneous desires and aims into a single offensive front. Each onecould hope that in case of a general action against Germany it, too, wouldachieve enrichment at Austria's expense. The danger was enormously increasedby the fact that Turkey seemed to be a silent partner in this unfortunatealliance.
International Jewish world finance needed these lures to enableit to carry out its long-desired plan for destroying the Germany which thusfar did not submit to its widespread superst3te control of finance and economics.Only in this way could they forge a coalition made strong and courageousby the sheer numbers of the gigantic armies now on the march and preparedto attack the horny Siegfried at last.
The alliance with the Habsburg monarchy, which even in Austriahad filled me with dissatisfaction, now became the source of long innertrials which in the time to come reinforced me even more in the opinionI had already conceived.
Even then, among those few people whom I frequented I made nosecret of my conviction that our catastrophic alliance with a state on thebrink of ruin would also lead to a fatal collapse of Germany unless we knewenough to release ourselves from it on time. This conviction of mine wasfirm as a rock, and I did not falter ill it for one moment when at lastthe storm of the World War seemed to have excluded all reasonable thoughtand a frenzy of enthusiasm had seized even those quarters for which thereshould have been only the coldest consideration of reality. And while Imyself was at the front, I put forwards whenever these problems were discussed,my opinion that the alliance had to be broken off, the quicker the betterfor the German nation, and that the sacrifice of the Habsburg monarchy wouldbe no sacrifice at all to make if Germany thereby could achieve a restrictionof her adversaries; for it was not for the preservation of a debauched dynasty that the millions had donned the steel helmet, but for the salvation ofthe German nation.
On a few occasions before the War it seemed as though, in one camp at least, a gentle doubt was arising as to the correctness of the alliance policy that had been chosen. German conservative circles began from time to time to warn against excessive confidence, but, like everything elsethat was sensible, this was thrown to the winds. They were convinced thatthey were on the path to a world ' conquest,' whose success would be tremendousand which would entail practically no sacrifices.
There was nothing for those not in authority to do but to watchin silence why and how the ' authorities' marched straight to destruction,drawing the dear people behind them like the Pied Piper of Hamelin.
The deeper cause that made it possible to represent the absurdityof an ' economic conquest ' as a practical political method, and the preservationof 'world peace' as a political goal for a whole people, and even to makethese things intelligible, lay in the general sickening of our whole politicalthinking.
With the victorious march of German technology and industry,the rising successes of German commerce, the realization was increasinglylost that all this was only possible on the basis of a strong state. Onthe contrary, many circles went so far as to put forward the convictionthat the state owed its very existence to these phenomena, that the stateitself Drimarilv represented an economic institution, that it could be governedaccording to economic requirements, and that its very existence dependedon economics, a state of affairs which was regarded and glorified as byfar the healthiest and most natural.
But the state has nothing at all to do with any definite economicconception or development.
It is not a collection of economic contracting parties in adefinite delimited living space for the fulfillment of economic tasks, butthe organization of a community of physically and psychologically similarliving beings for the better facilitation of the maintenance of their speciesand the achievement of the aim which has been allotted to this species by Providence. This and nothing else is the aim and meaning of a state. Economicsis only one of the many instruments required for the achievement of this aim. It is never the cause or the aim of a state unless this state is basedon a false, because unnatural, foundation to begin with. Only in this waycan it be explained that the state as such does not necessarily presupposeterritorial limitation. This will be necessary only among the peoples who want to secure the maintenance of their national comrades by their own resources;in other words, are prepared to fight the struggle for existence by theirown labor. Peoples who can sneak their way into the rest of mankind likedrones, to make other men work for them under all sorts of pretexts, canform states even without any definitely delimited living space of theirown. This applies first and foremost to a people under whose parasitism the whole of honest humanity is suffering, today more than ever: the Jews.
The Jewish state was never spatially limited in itself, but universally unlimited as to space, though restricted in the sense of embracing but one race. Consequently, this people has always formed a state within states. It is one of the most ingenious tricks that was ever devised, to make this state sail under the fiag of 'religion,' thus assuring it of the tolerance which the Aryan is always ready to accord a religious creed. For actually the Mosaic religion is nothing other than a doctrine for the preservation of the Jewish race. It therefore embraces almost all sociological, political,and economic fields of knowledge which can have any bearing on this function.
The urge to preserve the species is the first cause for the formation of human communities; thus the state is a national organism and not an economic organization. A difference which is just as large as itis incomprehensible, particularly to our so-called ' statesmen ' of today. That is why they think they can build up the state through economics whilein reality it results and always will result solely from the action of thosequalities which lie in line with the will to preserve the species and race. And these are always heroic virtues and never the egoism of shopkeepers,since the preservation of the existence of a species presupposes a spirit of sacrifice in the individual. The sense of the poet's words, 'If you willnot stake your life, you will win no life,' is that the sacrifice of personalexistence is necessary to secure the preservation of the species. Thus,the most sensible prerequisite for the formation and preservation of a stateis the presence of a certain feeling of cohesion based on similarity ofnature and species, and a willingness to stake everything on it with allpossible means, something which in peoples with soil of their own will createheroic virtues, but in parasites will create lying hypocrisy and malignant cruelty, or else these qualities must already be present as the necessary and demonstrable basis for their existence as a state so different in form.The formation of a state, originally at least, will occur through the exerciseof these qualities, and in the subsequent struggle for self-preservation those nations will be defeated - that is, will fall a prey to subjugation and thus sooner or later die out which in the mutual struggle possess thesmallest share of heroic virtues, or are not equal to the lies and trickery of the hostile parasite. But in this case, too, this must almost always be attributed less to a lack of astuteness than to a lack of determination and courage, which only tries to conceal itself beneath a cloak of humane convictions.
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