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principal duty of the National socialist State.
If the principal duty of the National socialist People's State be to educateand promote the existence of those who are the material out of which theState is formed, it will not be sufficient to promote those racial elementsas such, educate them and finally train them for practical life, but theState must also adapt its own organization to meet the demands of this task.
It would be absurd to appraise a man's worth by the race to which he belongsand at the same time to make war against the Marxist principle, that allmen are equal, without being determined to pursue our own principle to itsultimate consequences. If we admit the significance of blood, that is tosay, if we recognize the race as the fundamental element on which all lifeis based, we shall have to apply to the individual the logical consequencesof this principle. In general I must estimate the worth of nations differently, on the basis of the different races from which they spring, and I must alsodifferentiate in estimating the worth of the individual within his own race.The principle, that one people is not the same as another, applies also tothe individual members of a national community. No one brain, for instance,is equal to another; because the constituent elements belonging to the sameblood vary in a thousand subtle details, though they are fundamentally ofthe same quality.
The first consequence of this fact is comparatively simple. It demands thatthose elements within the folk-community which show the best racial qualitiesought to be encouraged more than the others and especially they should beencouraged to increase and multiply.
This task is comparatively simple because it can be recognized and carriedout almost mechanically. It is much more difficult to select from among awhole multitude of people all those who actually possess the highest intellectualand spiritual characteristics and assign them to that sphere of influencewhich not only corresponds to their outstanding talents but in which theiractivities will above all things be of benefit to the nation. This selectionaccording to capacity and efficiency cannot be effected in a mechanical way.It is a work which can be accomplished only through the permanent struggleof everyday life itself.
A philosophy of life which repudiates the democratic principle of therule of the masses and aims at giving this world to the best people that is, to the highest quality of mankind must also apply that samearistocratic postulate to the individuals within the folk-community. It musttake care that the positions of leadership and highest influence are givento the best men. Hence it is not based on the idea of the majority, but onthat of personality.
Anyone who believes that the People's National socialist State should distinguishitself from the other States only mechanically, as it were, through the betterconstruction of its economic life thanks to a better equilibrium betweenpoverty and riches, or to the extension to broader masses of the power todetermine the economic process, or to a fairer wage, or to the eliminationof vast differences in the scale of salaries anyone who thinks thisunderstands only the superficial features of our movement and has not theleast idea of what we mean when we speak of our Weltanschhauung. Allthese features just mentioned could not in the least guarantee us a lastingexistence and certainly would be no warranty of greatness. A nation thatcould content itself with external reforms would not have the slightest chanceof success in the general struggle for life among the nations of the world.A movement that would confine its mission to such adjustments, which arecertainly right and equitable, would effect no far-reaching or profound reformin the existing order. The whole effect of such measures would be limitedto externals. They would not furnish the nation with that moral armamentwhich alone will enable it effectively to overcome the weaknesses from whichwe are suffering today.
In order to elucidate this point of view it may be worth while to glanceonce again at the real origins and causes of the cultural evolution of mankind.
The first step which visibly brought mankind away from the animal world wasthat which led to the first invention. The invention itself owes its originto the ruses and stratagems which man employed to assist him in the strugglewith other creatures for his existence and often to provide him with theonly means he could adopt to achieve success in the struggle. Those firstvery crude inventions cannot be attributed to the individual; for the subsequentobserver, that is to say the modern observer, recognizes them only as collectivephenomena. Certain tricks and skilful tactics which can be observed in useamong the animals strike the eye of the observer as established facts whichmay be seen everywhere; and man is no longer in a position to discover orexplain their primary cause and so he contents himself with calling suchphenomena 'instinctive.'
In our case this term has no meaning. Because everyone who believes in thehigher evolution of living organisms must admit that every manifestationof the vital urge and struggle to live must have had a definite beginningin time and that one subject alone must have manifested it for the firsttime. It was then repeated again and again; and the practice of it spreadover a widening area, until finally it passed into the subconscience of everymember of the species, where it manifested itself as 'instinct.'
This is more easily understood and more easy to believe in the case of man.His first skilled tactics in the struggle with the rest of the animalsundoubtedly originated in his management of creatures which possessed specialcapabilities.
There can be no doubt that personality was then the sole factor in all decisionsand achievements, which were afterwards taken over by the whole of humanityas a matter of course. An exact exemplification of this may be found in thosefundamental military principles which have now become the basis of all strategyin war. Originally they sprang from the brain of a single individual andin the course of many years, maybe even thousands of years, they were acceptedall round as a matter of course and this gained universal validity.
Man completed his first discovery by making a second. Among other thingshe learned how to master other living beings and make them serve him in hisstruggle for existence. And thus began the real inventive activity of mankind,as it is now visible before our eyes. Those material inventions, beginningwith the use of stones as weapons, which led to the domestication of animals,the production of fire by artificial means, down to the marvellous inventionsof our own days, show clearly that an individual was the originator in eachcase. The nearer we come to our own time and the more important and revolutionarythe inventions become, the more clearly do we recognize the truth of thatstatement. All the material inventions which we see around us have been producedby the creative powers and capabilities of individuals. And all these inventionshelp man to raise himself higher and higher above the animal world and toseparate himself from that world in an absolutely definite way. Hence theyserve to elevate the human species and continually to promote its progress.And what the most primitive artifice once did for man in his struggle forexistence, as he went hunting through the primeval forest, that same sortof assistance is rendered him today in the form of marvellous scientificinventions which help him in the present day struggle for life and to forgeweapons for future struggles. In their final consequences all human thoughtand invention help man in his life-struggle on this planet, even though theso-called practical utility of an invention, a discovery or a profound scientifictheory, may not be evident at first sight. Everything contributes to raiseman higher and higher above the level of all the other creatures that surroundhim, thereby strengthening and consolidating his position; so that he developsmore and more in every direction as the ruling being on this Earth .
Hence all inventions are the result of the creative faculty of the individual.And all such individuals, whether they have willed it or not, are the benefactorsof mankind, both great and small. Through their work millions and indeedbillions of human beings have been provided with means and resources whichfacilitate their struggle for existence.
Thus at the origin of the material civilization which flourishes today wealways see individual persons. They supplement one another and one of thembases his work on that of the other. The same is true in regard to the practicalapplication of those inventions and discoveries. For all the various methodsof production are in their turn inventions also and consequently dependenton the creative faculty of the individual. Even the purely theoretical work,which cannot be measured by a definite rule and is preliminary to all subsequenttechnical discoveries, is exclusively the product of the individual brain.The broad masses do not invent, nor does the majority organize or think;but always and in every case the individual man, the person.
Accordingly a human community is well organized only when it facilitatesto the highest possible degree individual creative forces and utilizes theirwork for the benefit of the community. The most valuable factor of an invention,whether it be in the world of material realities or in the world of abstractideas, is the personality of the inventor himself. The first and supremeduty of an organized folk community is to place the inventor in a positionwhere he can be of the greatest benefit to all. Indeed the very purpose ofthe organization is to put this principle into practice. Only by so doingcan it ward off the curse of mechanization and remain a living thing. Initself it must personify the effort to place men of brains above the multitudeand to make the latter obey the former.
Therefore not only does the organization possess no right to prevent menof brains from rising above the multitude but, on the contrary, it must useits organizing powers to enable and promote that ascension as far as it possiblycan. It must start out from the principle that the blessings of mankind nevercame from the masses but from the creative brains of individuals, who aretherefore the real benefactors of humanity. It is in the interest of allto assure men of creative brains a decisive influence and facilitate theirwork. This common interest is surely not served by allowing the multitudeto rule, for they are not capable of thinking nor are they efficient andin no case whatsoever can they be said to be gifted. Only those should rulewho have the natural temperament and gifts of leadership.
Such men of brains are selected mainly, as I have already said, through thehard struggle for existence itself. In this struggle there are many who breakdown and collapse and thereby show that they are not called by Destiny tofill the highest positions; and only very few are left who can be classedamong the elect. In the realm of thought and of artistic creation, and evenin the economic field, this same process of selection takes place, although especially in the economic field its operation is heavilyhandicapped. This same principle of selection rules in the administrationof the State and in that department of power which personifies the organizedmilitary defence of the nation. The idea of personality rules everywhere,the authority of the individual over his subordinates and the responsibilityof the individual towards the persons who are placed over him. It is onlyin political life that this very natural principle has been completely excluded.Though all human civilization has resulted exclusively from the creativeactivity of the individual, the principle that it is the mass which counts through the decision of the majority makes its appearance onlyin the administration of the national community especially in the highergrades; and from there downwards the poison gradually filters into all branchesof national life, thus causing a veritable decomposition. The destructiveworkings of Judaism in different parts of the national body can be ascribedfundamentally to the persistent Jewish efforts at undermining the importanceof personality among the nations that are their hosts and, in place ofpersonality, substituting the domination of the masses. The constructiveprinciple of Aryan humanity is thus displaced by the destructive principleof the Jews, They become the 'ferment of decomposition' among nations andraces and, in a broad sense, the wreckers of human civilization.
Marxism represents the most striking phase of the Jewish endeavour to eliminatethe dominant significance of personality in every sphere of human life andreplace it by the numerical power of the masses. In politics the parliamentaryform of government is the expression of this effort. We can observe the fataleffects of it everywhere, from the smallest parish council upwards to thehighest governing circles of the nation. In the field of economics we seethe trade union movement, which does not serve the real interests of theemployees but the destructive aims of international Jewry. Just to the samedegree in which the principle of personality is excluded from the economiclife of the nation, and the influence and activities of the masses substitutedin its stead, national economy, which should be for the service and benefitof the community as a whole, will gradually deteriorate in its creative capacity.The shop committees which, instead of caring for the interests of the employees,strive to influence the process of production, serve the same destructivepurpose. They damage the general productive system and consequently injurethe individual engaged in industry. For in the long run it is impossibleto satisfy popular demands merely by high-sounding theoretical phrases. Thesecan be satisfied only by supplying goods to meet the individual needs ofdaily life and by so doing create the conviction that, through the productivecollaboration of its members, the folk community serves the interests ofthe individual.
Even if, on the basis of its mass-theory, Marxism should prove itself capableof taking over and developing the present economic system, that would notsignify anything. The question as to whether the Marxist doctrine be rightor wrong cannot be decided by any test which would show that it can administerfor the future what already exists today, but only by asking whether ithas the creative power to build up according to its own principles a civilizationwhich would be a counterpart of what already exists. Even if Marxism werea thousandfold capable of taking over the economic life as we now have itand maintaining it in operation under Marxist direction, such an achievementwould prove nothing; because, on the basis of its own principles, Marxismwould never be able to create something which could supplant what existstoday.
And Marxism itself has furnished the proof that it cannot do this. Not onlyhas it been unable anywhere to create a cultural or economic system of itsown; but it was not even able to develop, according to its own principles,the civilization and economic system it found ready at hand. It has had tomake compromises, by way of a return to the principle of personality, justas it cannot dispense with that principle in its own organization.
The folkish philosophy is fundamentally distinguished from theMarxist by reason of the fact that the former recognizes the significanceof race and therefore also personal worth and has made these the pillarsof its structure. These are the most important factors of itsview of life.
If the National socialist Movement should fail to understand the fundamentalimportance of this essential principle, if it should merely varnish the externalappearance of the present State and adopt the majority principle, it wouldreally do nothing more than compete with Marxism on its own ground. For thatreason it would not have the right to call itself a philosophy of life.If the social programme of the movement consisted in eliminating personalityand putting the multitude in its place, then National socialism would becorrupted with the poison of Marxism, just as our national-bourgeois partiesare.
The People's State must assure the welfare of its citizens by recognizingthe importance of personal values under all circumstances and by preparingthe way for the maximum of productive efficiency in all the various branchesof economic life, thus securing to the individual the highest possible sharein the general output.
Hence the People's State must mercilessly expurgate from all the leadingcircles in the government of the country the parliamentarian principle, accordingto which decisive power through the majority vote is invested in the multitude.Personal responsibility must be substituted in its stead.
From this the following conclusion results:
The best constitution and the best form of government is that which makesit quite natural for the best brains to reach a position of dominant importanceand influence in the community.
Just as in the field of economics men of outstanding ability cannot be designatedfrom above but must come forward in virtue of their own efforts, and justas there is an unceasing educative process that leads from the smallest shopto the largest undertaking, and just as life itself is the school in whichthose lessons are taught, so in the political field it is not possible to'discover' political talent all in a moment. Genius of an extraordinary stampis not to be judged by normal standards whereby we judge other men.
In its organization the State must be established on the principle ofpersonality, starting from the smallest cell and ascending up to the supremegovernment of the country.
There are no decisions made by the majority vote, but only by responsiblepersons. And the word 'council' is once more restored to its original meaning.Every man in a position of responsibility will have councillors at his side,but the decision is made by that individual person alone.
The principle which made the former Prussian Army an admirable instrumentof the German nation will have to become the basis of our statal constitution,that is to say, full authority over his subordinates must be invested ineach leader and he must be responsible to those above him.
Even then we shall not be able to do without those corporations which atpresent we call parliaments. But they will be real councils, in the sensethat they will have to give advice. The responsibility can and must be borneby one individual, who alone will be vested with authority and the rightto command.
Parliaments as such are necessary because they alone furnish the opportunityfor leaders to rise gradually who will be entrusted subsequently with positionsof special responsibility.
The following is an outline of the picture which the organization will present:
From the municipal administration up to the government of the Reich, thePeople's State will not have any body of representatives which makes itsdecisions through the majority vote. It will have only advisory bodies toassist the chosen leader for the time being and he will distribute amongthem the various duties they are to perform. In certain fields they may,if necessary, have to assume full responsibility, such as the leader or presidentof each corporation possesses on a larger scale.
In principle the People's State must forbid the custom of taking advice oncertain political problems economics, for instance from personswho are entirely incompetent because they lack special training and practicalexperience in such matters. Consequently the State must divide its representativebodies into a political chamber and a corporative chamber that representsthe respective trades and professions.
To assure an effective co-operation between those two bodies, a selectedbody will be placed over them. This will be a special senate.
No vote will be taken in the chambers or senate. They are to be organizationsfor work and not voting machines. The individual members will have consultivevotes but no right of decision will be attached thereto. The right of decisionbelongs exclusively to the president, who must be entirely responsible forthe matter under discussion.
This principle of combining absolute authority with absolute responsibilitywill gradually cause a selected group of leaders to emerge; which is noteven thinkable in our present epoch of irresponsible parliamentarianism.
The political construction of the nation will thereby be brought into harmonywith those laws to which the nation already owes its greatness in the economicand cultural spheres.
Regarding the possibility of putting these principles into practice, I shouldlike to call attention to the fact that the principle of parliamentariandemocracy, whereby decisions are enacted through the majority vote, has notalways ruled the world. On the contrary, we find it prevalent only duringshort periods of history, and those have always been periods of decline innations and States.
One must not believe, however, that such a radical change could be effectedby measures of a purely theoretical character, operating from above downwards;for the change I have been describing could not be limited to transformingthe constitution of a State but would have to include the various fieldsof legislation and civic existence as a whole. Such a revolution can be broughtabout only by means of a movement which is itself organized under the inspirationof these principles and thus bears the germ of the future State in its ownorganism.
Therefore it is well for the National socialist Movement to make itselfcompletely familiar with those principles today and actually to put theminto practice within its own organization, so that not only will it be ina position to serve as a guide for the future State but will have its ownorganization such that it can subsequently be placed at the disposal of theState itself.
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